Capitulations at the Treaty of Lausanne

The word ‘capitulation’ usually refers to a country granting various concessions and privileges to the citizens and consulates of another country on her lands, which might be financial, commercial, legal, administrative, etc.

When the Ottoman Empire began to give these concessions to the European states and their citizens in the 16th century, the circumstances and the purpose were different. The Empire was on the rise; it was believed that such privileges, granted in line with the circumstances of the time, would contribute to the economy. The Empire failed to see the repercussions of this risky move.

Capitulations were first given to Venetians during the reign of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, then to the French during the reign of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent, followed by other states, most notably Britain. In the beginning, the capitulations were limited to the lifespan of the Sultans who granted them, but with an agreement signed with France in 1740, became permanent. After this date, capitulations granted to the great powers, most notably Britain, created severe issues in the Ottoman economy, industry, and justice system, among others. Over time, commercial and legal privileges increased and caused major problems in the 19th century. While in the beginning, the privileges were unilateral and served the interests of the Ottoman Empire, they later completely changed into a system where some rights of the Ottoman Empire were entrusted to foreign states through bilateral agreements.

The British deep state led the others in managing and controlling these privileges, sometimes explicitly and sometimes behind closed doors.

The Great Interests of Great Britain

By the 1820s, Britain had completed its industrial revolution and became unrivalled in world markets after defeating France in the Napoleonic wars. However, during the same years, other European countries in the midst of their own industrial revolutions were blocking British products from entering their markets with protective measures. This caused British capital to turn to non-European countries; thus between 1820 and 1840, Britain signed numerous free trade deals with countries in Latin America and China among others.422 These deals were sometimes secured through gaining the support of local powers, and sometimes by use of military power. For example, when China banned Britain from selling opium in her lands in 1839, Britain waged war against China in return. When the British came out victorious from this war, they forced the Chinese government to allow for extensive capitulations through various agreements.

However, all this intense effort didn’t yield the results the British deep state was hoping for.

In the first half of the 19th century, customs taxes in Europe rose and British foreign trade entered a period of stagnation between 1819 and 1835.423 This stagnation could have seriously impaired the young industry of the country, and urgently necessitated the discovery of new markets. Even in its period of decline, the Ottoman Empire was still one of the richest countries in the world, with its vast territory and affluent people. This appetizing, potentially profitable market suddenly made it the center of the British deep state’s attention. Britain did everything in its power to sign a free trade deal with the Ottomans, in an attempt to exert its influence over this market.424 The Treaty of Balta Liman signed between the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain as a trade agreement on August 16, 1838, was the enactment of this desire.

The highlights of the agreement were as follows:

1- New capitulations will be added to the existing ones.

2- Britain will be allowed to freely buy and sell their agricultural and industrial products.

3- The Ottoman Empire will abolish all monopolies over domestic trade as well as bans on export.

4- Foreign merchants will enjoy the same rights and privileges as the local merchants of the Ottoman Empire.

5- Taxes on export will be 12%, and import 5%.

The Treaty of Balta Liman of 1838 removed all the restrictions on domestic and foreign trade, and facilitated the entry of foreign merchandise into the country. It also made it easier to export domestic products. Ostensibly, it brought the Ottoman industry and trade under European control, but in fact, it was under British control.

The most significant aspect of this trade system was the irrevocable and significant loss of Ottoman sovereignty over its own foreign trade. Additional taxes previously levied on export and import, which had been a main source of revenue for the state, were restricted, and the Ottoman Empire was no longer able to collect additional taxes from these sources in extraordinary situations such as war.425

In the aftermath of the Treaty of Balta Liman, the British trade volume in the Middle East increased dramatically. For instance, in 1837 only 432 British vessels had come to Istanbul and unloaded merchandise of 86,253 tons, but by 1848, these numbers increased to 1392 vessels and 358,422 tons respectively. The increase quickly sped up and in 1856, Britain sent 2,504 vessels with a total 898,753 tons of merchandise.426 Britain was getting complete control of the Ottoman market, while Ottoman merchants lost strength.

The Ottoman Attempts to Abolish the Capitulations

The great powers of Europe were competing fiercely to get more out of the failing Ottoman Empire. As the capitulations incapacitated the Ottomans, the state wasn’t even able to regulate its own taxes. The Turks were levied, but foreign merchants were exempt from taxes. Foreigners who lived on Turkish land weren’t subjected to Turkish law, and couldn’t be taken to Turkish courts. In other words, these people were living in a completely isolated manner in the country; in an incredibly privileged status, they were practicing their own laws in the Ottoman Empire. They made more money out of the same trade as the local merchants did but still didn’t pay tax. Even the health-care sector offered extraordinary concessions to them.

Capitulations turned into a bleeding wound for the Ottomans, and naturally many Ottoman administrators undertook initiatives to stop the bleeding.

The first debate in the Ottoman Cabinet on the abolishment of the capitulations took place on September 2, 1914, which resulted in the decision to draw up a memorandum to do away with these concessions.

As a result, a commission led by Nazır Pirizade İbrahim Bey was set up in the Ministry of Justice.427 The Commission drafted the official communication to be sent to the Grand Vizier on September 4, and sent it the next day. The government, during the meeting of the Council of Ministers on September 5, decided to abolish all capitulations, economical and judicial alike.

On September 8, the government reconvened, read the official communication and decided that the approved text be sent to the ambassadors in the capital on September 9. The Sultan approved the abolishment of the capitulations on September 8. The text read as follows:

Upon the agreement of the Parliament Members, various financial, administrative, economical and judicial concessions and all privileges, previously granted to foreigners residing at the Ottoman Empire, known as the ‘capitulations’, as well as their associated permits and privileges are hereby abolished. This resolution, upon the orders of the Sultan, will come into effect on September 18, 1330 [October 1, 1914 in the Gregorian calendar].428

Capitulations, which put an immense strain on the Ottoman Empire, were abolished in 1914. However, they threatened to be a problem once again after the Ottoman Empire was defeated in WWI. A philanthropist is distributing bread to the impoverished Ottoman people in the year when WWI ended.

Capitulations Need to Be Abolished for Full Independence

The decision of the Ottoman administration to unilaterally abolish the capitulations was a rational, albeit a delayed one. Almost two months prior to the decision, world war had broken out in Europe and could have spread to the Ottoman territory at any moment. The states that had been given capitulations previously were too busy to object to the decision. Indeed, the declaration to eliminate capitulations received joyous welcome from the vast majority of the Ottoman Empire. The Empire was finally getting rid of this heavy burden on its shoulders.

Even though European ambassadors particularly raised objections to the abrogation of the capitulations, the Ottoman Empire didn’t back down. Of course, certain new regulations were made in line with the requests of the ambassadors, but they were not like the capitulations. This was an important milestone for the Ottoman Empire as it began to be released from her chains. However, the joyous atmosphere didn’t last long. The Empire had to enter WWI, was subsequently defeated and on October 30, 1918, once again had to endure the imposition of other states. Unsurprisingly, the victors immediately brought back the capitulations.

During the years of the Turkish War of Independence, Mustafa Kemal took the issue of capitulations very seriously and showed his clear stance in favor of full independence during the congress meetings. During National Pact sessions at the Ottoman Parliament (January 22-28, 1920) capitulations were once again on the agenda. The 6th article of the decisions made there was briefly as follows:

… Ensuring full freedom and independence to complete our national and economic development, like every other country, is essential for our future. For this reason, any factors that hinder our political, judicial, commercial or financial development should be eliminated…429

For this reason, Mustafa Kemal strictly instructed the delegation that went to Lausanne that there could be no compromise on capitulations.

Of course, European countries were preparing to reinstate the capitulations at Lausanne. That’s why the new Turkish Republic was well prepared to deal with the issue without any compromise of its independence. Yet once again Britain, the only country that didn’t recognize the independence of the new Turkish Republic, proved the biggest obstacle.

The Lausanne delegation

On the Way to Lausanne

The instruction given to the national delegation headed to Lausanne was brief and concise: ‘Capitulations can never be accepted. If necessary, we can walk out of the negotiations.’430

In fact, everyone knew that immense difficulties would arise in reaching a solution in this matter. Many countries, present or not present at the conference, had a stake in the continuance of the said privileges. Furthermore, the Western world had been used to these privileges for at least 400 years and all mutual relations were based on them. Therefore, other countries, as they reached an agreement on the subject, wanted the concessions to continue, which made the prospect of completely abolishing the capitulations at Lausanne especially difficult.

İsmet Pasha, the head of the Turkish delegation, was aware of the problem and said, “All the Allies and the US were against us in this matter. But we considered it one of our most crucial issues.”431

A Tug of War

On November 27, 1922, the Finance and Economic Affairs Commission convened to discuss the capitulations and İsmet Pasha demanded that all the limitations that hindered the economic independence of Turkey be removed. He explained that a country cannot be independent with capitulations and that the situation of the foreigners in Turkey were already guaranteed with general laws that were in place as is the case in all civilized and independent countries, and that Turkish delegation would only accept being in a commission in line with these principles.432

The French delegation, coming from a country that had made great profits out of capitulations, insisted that capitulations be replaced with another system. İsmet Pasha refused the offer, completely aware that the new and unknown system could jeopardize the security or independence of the state.

Lord Curzon claimed that capitulations were based on rights given by the treaty and that even the Germans, the ally of the Ottomans, opposed the abolishment of the system. He also said that capitulations could not be abrogated unless they were replaced by a new system agreed upon by the parties.433

However, capitulations were non-negotiable for Turkey, no matter what happened. On December 28, 1922, the talks reached a dead-end. The proposals of the other side were rejected on the grounds they violated Turkish sovereignty. İsmet Pasha defended the Turkish case and said that “the Turkish justice system would be on par with the best justice systems in the world”. He considered the replacement of the system with a similar one, or assignment of foreign judges in Turkey and all other similar proposals, an assault on Turkey’s independence.434

Nothing came out of the discussions carried out under such circumstances. İsmet Pasha and the Turkish delegation refused to give into the demands of new restrictions, no matter under what guise they were presented, and fought off the pressure and oppression. The conference ended on February 4, 1923 without reaching an agreement.435

The Second Attempt Begins

As the Lausanne negotiations hit a dead-end and were suspended, Mustafa Kemal gave a speech at Izmir Economic Congress on February 17, 1923 and made it clear that there would be no concessions on the capitulations:

Ottoman Empire was deprived of its independence physically and effectively. If a country cannot levy taxes on foreigners on its lands as it does on its own citizens, if a country is banned from regulating its own customs… And, if a country is not allowed to practice its rule of law for foreigners living on her lands, then that country is not independent…436

These words clearly manifested how the abolishment of the capitulations was crucial for the Turkish side. So much so, the suspension of the talks due to the capitulations disagreement did nothing to weaken the determination of the Turks. The Turkish side, having just endured a war that continued for ten straight years, and having lost almost everything, didn’t hesitate for a moment to start preparations for war again. When the Lausanne negotiations came to a halt due to the issue on capitulations, Mustafa Kemal ordered the Turkish army to start war preparations.

The truth is, the Allied Powers didn’t want the Lausanne negotiations to be suspended either. Having fought in WWI, that caused immense destruction, none of them were willing to resume hostilities; especially after the horrible war of four years destroyed both the victors and the losers. Furthermore, European countries couldn’t afford to be ‘not on the side of peace’. The Western public, weary and battered, wanted peace and therefore, the Allied Powers had to yield and not be persistent on capitulations. Being the side that stopped the peace negotiations was equal to being the side that did not want peace and it was clear that such an administration would be punished by not only its own public, but other countries as well. Europe wouldn’t risk that.

Furthermore, the Soviet Union, which had signed a treaty of friendship with Turkey in 1921, declared that if a new war broke out, it would fight alongside Turkey. This situation completely tipped the balance.

Seeing the decisive stance of Turkey, the Western countries took action to resume the talks and thus the second part of the Conference of Lausanne began on April 23, 1923. Lord Curzon and former ‘celebrities’ didn’t attend this time. Horace Rumbold, the High Commissioner to Istanbul, was heading the British delegation and the conference.

Capitulations represented the biggest obstacle to concluding the Conference of Lausanne. The Westerners didn’t want to give up on them, especially under heavy pressure from various economic groups. On the other hand, Turkey was adamant on refusing all sorts of limitations on its independence. Therefore, no agreement could be reached in the negotiations, and talks continued until May 4. Other financial issues continued to be a source of difficulty, as well.

Lord Curzon and his wife are taking a tour on an ‘elephant’, one of the most important symbols of the British deep state even today.

After long discussions, it was decided to add the following clause to the treaty with regard to the capitulations:

Article 28: Each of the High Contracting Parties hereby accepts, in so far as it is concerned, the complete abolition of the Capitulations in Turkey in every respect.437

In the meantime, the other parties demanded that health capitulations should continue in Istanbul in the form of a commission of physicians, but the Turkish side rejected this, too. In the end, it was decided that for five years, three European doctors would be allowed to work in quarantine works in the capacity of consultants. This ended the health capitulations, as well. Five years later, these three foreign doctors were dismissed and the health-care industry was made completely domestic. Atatürk mentioned in his famous Nutuk (the Great Speech), ‘this wasn’t a capitulation. We agreed that a couple of foreign doctors serviced for five years’.438

In other words, the unyielding stance of the Turkish delegation saved the new Turkish Republic from capitulations, the shackles of the past. This way, Turkey not only achieved its full independence, but also completely dashed the British deep state’s dreams of ‘colonization’. The British deep state failed to repeat its scheme of slyly infiltrating states and building its economic and legal hegemony in new Turkey. That is why the capitulation concession on the part of the British delegation in the Lausanne negotiations was seen as a major defeat. Time, in its issue of April 14, 1924, made the following comment on this development: “The Treaty of Lausanne was the first conspicuous failure of the British diplomacy in more than a century.” The piece continued with the following interesting remark that showed how the outrageous plans of the British deep state backfired: “In effect, the Lausanne Settlement turned Europe bag and baggage out of Turkey instead of turning Turkey bag and baggage out of Europe.”439

The Capitulation Plans of the British Deep State

While studying the capitulations, we must keep in mind that the British deep state makes deep plans that extend well into the next centuries. This is what happened with the capitulations and the British deep state managed to extend the scope of the original concessions granted to Britain over time, abusing the Ottoman Empire’s kindness and weakness to build a separate structure within the Ottoman Empire. In the end, foreign courts were operating on Ottoman territory, foreigners were parceling out, buying, and selling the Ottoman lands; and even the best medical service was given by foreign doctors to foreigners. These foreigners in question who became more privileged than Turks on Turkish lands, were in fact looting the state and led lives fully independent of Ottoman laws. Since these people had more rights than Turkish merchants, they began to dominate the trade in the country. This system was the application of the sly plan of the British deep state concocted over a long time. This insidious system, that one still can see in many colonized countries or in other countries infiltrated by the British deep state, deeply penetrated the Ottoman Empire, took control of its system, and built its own hegemony. This infiltration also allowed the British deep state to easily deploy its agents in the relevant countries. The process is so systematic, the new Turkish Republic fought tooth and nail to get rid of this virus.

Today, in the Middle East and particularly in Africa, the British deep state continues to exploit some countries and gets wealthier as the people of the respective countries starve and are poor. This is the usual policy of the British deep state. This was also what was planned for the Ottoman Empire with the capitulations. But Almighty God didn’t allow this plan to work and made the Great Commander Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the brave Turkish people the reason for the end of the British deep state’s hegemony. The capitulations were just another way invented to exploit the Ottoman Empire from within. The end of this scourge, which had to be fended off, represented an important victory at the Lausanne negotiations.

Do they feel secure against God’s devising? No one feels secure against God’s devising except for those who are lost… (Qur’an, 7:99)

As in the past, exploited countries, particularly those in Africa, are getting poorer while the exploiters are getting richer.

Adnan Oktar Says

Adnan Oktar: We are in the End Times, the period of the Mahdi. God designed the world according to it. The world is created to be a place of trial for people. It is created for us to be the servants of God, for us to pray. God has given life to the world so that Islamic Union can be established, which is the reason for the current life of it. The time for the Day of Judgment has in fact come, but it has been prolonged to allow Hazrat Mahdi (pbuh) to appear and the Islamic Union to be established. The thing they now call the “New Ottoman Empire” or the Ottoman model in fact refers to the movement of the Mahdi. Islamic Union is one of the names of the Mahdi movement. The names make no difference. The resulting system will produce independent states, independent in domestic affairs, independent in foreign affairs; but it’s a system where brotherhood, love, friendship and peace reign; one in which enthusiasm, good intentions, charity, art and science reign over the world, and in which the world will be like a family connected by a single bond. Everybody loves everybody; there is no oppression, no intimidation, no violence, no war, and no armament race. The whole world will become wealthy. Imagine what would happen if arms factories were converted into factories to manufacture household goods, like refrigerators and washing machines. Imagine that they manufacture prefabricated houses. The world would turn into paradise. What use is there for weapons? They are trying to improve the destructiveness of weapons. But we wish for a world where no defense, no defensive rockets, no rockets which can shoot down lethal rockets in mid air are needed. We wish the resources spent on these weapons to be instead spent on health, food, water and shelter. (Excerpt from Mr. Adnan Oktar’s interview on A9 TV on November 29, 2012) Adnan Oktar: Muslims always have an ideal: It is the Islamic Union. The greatest ideal is the reign of Islamic moral values over the world. It is the ideal, the dream of every Muslim that the whole world will be free from war, terror, anarchy, turmoil, oppression, weapons and horror, that everyone will be brothers and live in peace, and the world will be like paradise. Paradise is presented to us as the main goal. We will aim for paradise on earth too, and we will aim for it also in the hereafter. Therefore, we embrace everyone who is on the true path with love and profound affection. (Excerpt from Mr. Adnan Oktar’s interview on A9 TV on February 3, 2013)

The Pious Turkish People Rejected the British Hegemony

British Diplomat, Nevile Meyrick Henderson

British leaders, reeling from the shock of the Turkish victory at Lausanne, made several comments to feel better about their loss, while the British deep state took every opportunity to state its dream that Turkey would eventually be destroyed even if it hadn’t happened at Lausanne.

Lord Curzon, the British Foreign Secretary who headed the Lausanne talks for a long time, sent an instruction to Paris and Rome ambassadors of Britain only nine days after the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne. He stated that Turkey was a small country and that the Allies shouldn’t send ambassadors to Turkey, as a low-level officer like an acting ambassador would be more appropriate.440

Only 21 days after the treaty was signed at Lausanne, Sir Nevile Meyrick Henderson, the British diplomat in Istanbul, made the following comment in his letter sent to London:

Turkey has lost land, grown poor and depopulated. It would be more than necessary to send an ambassador to an insignificant country like Turkey in terms of her size, wealth and population… If the current Turkish government cannot persist – I believe they won’t last long – then the Turkish Government will come to that city where the British Embassy is located. It will inevitably drift with our support. In this setting of anarchy the current government will topple down and another government that will ally with us shall come to power.441

Turkish people waiting in line to get water during the years of occupation

There was, of course a reason why Henderson sounded so confident. The British deep state had successfully applied the same strategy on many countries before. And as Henderson pointed out, those countries eventually began to move in the direction shown by the British deep state. However, Henderson wasn’t taking into account the unshakable determination and faith of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Turkish people. No one had the power to put the Turkish state into shackles when they had such a great leader and such a pious nation. The representatives of the British deep state, who were making these arrogant comments before and after Lausanne, over time understood that they wouldn’t be able to defeat this devout nation. In fact, Gladstone’s comment in the 1800s that the Qur’an had to be taken away from the Turks if they were ever to be defeated showed that since the 19th century the British knew this faithful nation could never be defeated.

Turkey is a sacred country from where the Mahdi (pbuh) will emerge, and Istanbul is a holy city that will see this blessed appearance. Both the Mahdi (pbuh) and this sacred location will always be under God’s protection. Therefore, it is not in Turkey’s destiny to fall for the plots of sly deep states, or to be divided or to fall apart. No insidious plot against Turkey succeeded in the past, and none will in the future. The members of the British deep state that devise plans against Turkey should keep this truth in mind for good and all.

God will defend those who believe. God does not love any thankless traitor. (Qur’an, 22:38)

Footnotes:

420. “Fransız Dışişleri Bakanlığı Gizli Belgeleri” [Confidential Documents of the French Foreign Affairs Ministry] E-Levant (1918-1929) Kurdistan Caucase Service, Vol. 101, p. 25; Uğur Mumcu, Kürt-İslam Ayaklanması [Kurdish-Islamic Riot], Tekin Publishing, 19th edition, 1995, Istanbul, p. 168

421. Taha Akyol, Bilinmeyen Lozan, pp. 267-268; Şevket Pamuk, 100 Soruda Osmanlı Türkiye İktisadi Tarihi [Economic History Ottoman-Turkish in 100 Questions], Gerçek Publishing, Istanbul, 1988, p. 200

422. Şevket Pamuk, 100 Soruda Osmanlı Türkiye İktisadi Tarihi, p. 200

423. Yerasimos, 1977: 547; Azgelişmişlik Sürecinde Türkiye [Turkey During the Development Process], Belge Publishing, Istanbul 1986, p. 462

424. İsmail Özsoy, “1838 Balta Limanı Ticaret Antlaşması’ndan Gümrük Birliği’ne” [From the Treaty of Balta Liman of 1838 to the Customs Union], Çerçeve Journal, Issue 15, October 1995, p. 134

425. Bilal Eryılmaz, Tanzimat ve Yönetimde Modernleşme [Reform Edict and Modernization in Administration], İşaret Publishing, Istanbul, 1991, p. 86

426. Ali Nejat Ölçen, Karl Marx ve İngiliz Emperyalizmi [Karl Marx and British Imperialism], Ekin Publishing, Ankara, 1992, p. 114

427. Tahir Taner, Kapitülasyonlar Nasıl İlga Edildi [How the Capitulations were Abolished], İsmail Akgün Publishing, Istanbul, 1956, p. 34

428. “Düstur, Tertibisani 6. Cilt s. 1273 “naklen Ozan Arslan” (Dustur, Tertibisani vol. 6, p.1273) “I. Dünya Savaşı Başında Kapitülasyonların İttihad ve Terakki Yönetimi Tarafından Kaldırılması ve Bu Gelişme Karşısında Büyük Güçlerin Tepkileri” [Committee of Union and Progress Abolishes Capitulations during the WWI and the World Powers React], Sakarya University, Science and Literature Journal, Vol. 10 (1), 2008, p. 265

429. Şerafettin Turan, Türk Devrim Tarihi II, İmparatorluğun Çöküşünden Ulusal Direnişe [History of Turkish Revolutions II, From the Fall of the Empire to the National Resistance], Bilgi Publishing, Istanbul, 1998, pp. 82-91; Zeki Arıkan, “1536 Kapitülasyonları ve Cumhuriyet İdeolojisi” [1536 Capitulations and Republican Ideology], Ataturk University, Journal of the Department of Language, History and Geography, Vol.24, Issue.37, 1963, pp. 11-28

430. Mahmut Goloğlu, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti, V. Kitap [Republic of Turkey, Book V], Başnur Publishing, Ankara, 1971, p. 8

431. Afet İnan, “Türk İstiklali ve Lozan Muahedesi” [Turkish Independence and Lausanne Treaty] Belleten, Vol. II/7-8, pp. 277-291; Salahi Sonyel, “Lozan’da Türk Diplomasisi”, Belleten, Vol. XXXVIII, Issue, 149, pp. 41-115; Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, pp. 116-130

432. Salahi Sonyel, “Lozan’da Türk Diplomasisi”, p. 76

433. Salahi Sonyel, “Lozan’da Türk Diplomasisi”, p. 77; Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam [One Man], Vol. 3, Remzi Publishing, Istanbul, 1966, p. 112

434. Afet İnan, “Türk İstiklali ve Lozan Muahedesi”, p. 293; Ahmet Yavuz, Lozan Barış Konferansı Tutanakları [Minutes of the Lausanne Peace Conference], Vol. II, Foreign Ministry Publications, Ankara, 1972, pp. 48-50

435. Şerafettin Turan, İsmet İnönü, Yaşamı, Dönemi ve Kişiliği [İsmet Inönü, His Life, Administration and Personality], Bilgi Publishing, Istanbul, 2003, pp. 59-73; Hamza Eroğlu, Türk İnkılap Tarihi [History of Turkish Revolutions], Savaş Publishing, Istanbul, 1981, p. 260

436. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Söylev ve Demeçler, pp. 99-112

437. Treaty of Peace with Turkey Signed at Lausanne, July 24, 1923, http://sam.baskent.edu.tr/belge/Lausanne_ENG.pdf; The Treaties of Peace 1919-1923, Vol. II, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, New York, 1924; L. Seha Meray, group II, Vol: I, Book, I, pp. 30-31; Tevfik Rüştü Aras, Lozan’ın İzinde 10 Yıl [10 years after Lausanne] Istanbul 1935, pp. 10-13; Tahir Tamer, “Lozan ve Kapitülasyonların İlgası” [Lausanne and the Abolishment of Capitulations], Journal of the Department of History of Istanbul University, Vol. VII, Issue.4, 1941, p. 730

438. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Nutuk [The Great Speech]

439. James Gerard, Time, 14 April 1924, http://mbarchives.blogspot.com.tr/2008/03/1924-time-article-on-lausanne-treaty.html

440. Taha Akyol, Bilinmeyen Lozan, p. 307

441. Taha Akyol, Bilinmeyen Lozan, p. 308